Chapter 214: The Overall Situation (Part 2)

Lu Le’s suggestion reflected the views of many influential figures in France, and even some in the colonial government of Indochina advocated for a glorious war of revenge.
Yet the governor never backed down from his stance: “I am against war. What we need is peace…”
The French had never truly needed peace with weaker nations. The governor’s willingness to compromise stemmed entirely from historical and practical considerations.
Before the war intensified, he had been a staunch proponent of expansion in the Far East, but now he was a firm anti-war advocate—France had already paid too high a price for this war.
Before the outbreak of the war, whether it was the colonial government, the Navy, or any other party, they all saw it as an expedition akin to a scouting trip, believing that just 3,000 or even fewer soldiers would suffice to conquer all of Vietnam. But reality was far crueler.
At the peak of battles against the Black Flag Army, 3,000 soldiers could be assembled on any battlefield, yet deploying such a force in enemy-held territory was considered extremely dangerous, with a high risk of being annihilated by the Black Flag Army.
In total, including locally recruited indigenous soldiers, France had deployed over 100,000 troops in Vietnam, spending hundreds of millions of francs on military expenses—only to be forced to sit at the negotiation table and seek compromise with their opponents.
Such an enemy was one France had never encountered in its colonial expansion history. The governor was unwilling to fight against an enemy with such courage and wisdom: “Liu Yu is a worthy opponent. As long as he remains in power, I will not participate in any actions against the Black Flag Army…”
“As long as he is in power, the Black Flag Army remains a formidable enemy. Even if their soldiers are unarmed, untrained, and have nothing, they will still make us pay a painful price!”
Seeing that he could not persuade the governor, Lu Le had no choice but to abandon the colony and embark on his own military adventure.
Tokyo.
Over the past decade or so, this country had successfully carried out comprehensive reforms. Westerners regarded its regime as an ally in Asia—a partner worth exploiting on equal terms.
But behind these reforms lay endless suffering. Aside from the emerging zaibatsu, few were satisfied with this government. Their silence stemmed from the fact that this government was completely different from the shogunate.
Thousands of police agencies across the country, tens of thousands of government troops equipped with modern Western weapons, along with a nationwide telegraph and railway network, gave these violent forces an absolute advantage.
The old samurai had been the backbone of the reforms but became victims of tragedy during them, losing all their privileges and most of their income. A few years ago, under the leadership of Saigo Takamori, they attempted a final uprising, only to fail.
Peasant and liberal uprisings continued unabated, and the reason was simple: land taxes!

The main source of revenue for the Meiji government and the funding for the development of light and heavy industries came from the continuous exploitation of peasants, extracting ever-higher rents from them. As a result, peasant uprisings occurred frequently. However, the opponents they faced were not the samurai and ashigaru of the shogunate, but government troops equipped with cannons and rapid-fire rifles. Any resistance was easily crushed by these weapons. Among the dissatisfied people were even some government soldiers. The outcome of the reforms seemed to be the ultimate irony—reforms had turned against those who initiated them. On such a volatile situation, the Japanese government remained stable not only because of its powerful coercive apparatus, unmatched by any feudal regime in Japanese history, but also due to its cunning and strategic nature. The support of zaibatsu, generous promises to the common people, and opportunities provided by industrial development were not enough to sustain this government in the long term. A few years earlier, Japan had shifted its focus to the Far East. Its military adventures in Korea and Taiwan yielded significant gains, especially the one in Taiwan, which could serve as a typical example in international relations. Although the military efforts were unproductive and resulted in many sick soldiers, with the finance on the verge of collapse, the Qing government yielded and allowed the Japanese to obtain what they wanted. The annexation of Ryukyu and the forced opening of Korea gave the Japanese further momentum for expansion, but subsequent actions in Korea faced setbacks, such as the failure of Kim Ok-gyun’s coup. The situation in mainland China also caused them great concern. As one of the reform leaders, Hirobumi Ito was highly respected, but he was somewhat arrogant and condescending, often looking down on others. “I believe it is inappropriate to send troops to Guangdong in coordination with Britain at this time…” As one of the decision-makers, General Yamagata Aritomo disagreed with him: “To conquer China, we must cooperate with our British allies!” As Minister of the Interior, Yamagata Aritomo was even more direct: “We must take this chance. Send two regiments to Guangdong, and then obtain Korea and Manchuria from China—this is a prerequisite for our military action. We can also send four regiments to land in Korea to protect northern China!” He ended his speech with a decisive statement: “Let’s do it! We must go ahead!” “He who does not seize what is given to him by heaven will surely suffer the consequences!” Hirobumi Ito, the new Prime Minister, had a solid foundation in Chinese studies. In fact, two of his poems are widely known: “Awake, hold power over the world; drunk, lie at the feet of beauties.” In history, he was a true practitioner of these words. He appeared aloof and distant, but when he uttered this proverb, everyone in the cabinet felt he had become more approachable. “Gentlemen, I have called you here today not to discuss whether to send troops with our allies…” “The Anglo-Japanese Alliance is the cornerstone of the empire’s diplomacy. The interests of the empire are one with those of the British Empire…” Hirobumi Ito had set the tone: “The British Empire is determined to send troops to Guangdong to suppress the Black Flag rebel uprising in China, which is also in line with the empire’s interests!”

Oyama Iwao interjected, “On this issue, both the General Staff and the Army agree to send troops as soon as possible, and the British have already provided maximum support in terms of military funding!”
The Army unconditionally supported such interference in the war, and the biggest problem in sending troops to the continent for a long time—military funding—could now be guaranteed to the fullest extent.
Speaking of military funding, one couldn’t help but think of Yamagata Aritomo. At the mention of funding, his head twitched unnaturally.
He had made a huge mistake regarding military funding by lending one-tenth of the Army’s annual budget to a friend for temporary use, only for it to turn into an irreparable disaster within a week. Fortunately, he had many old friends who helped him get through this difficult time. Nonetheless, he could only speak in a lowered voice, “Even if there are problems with funding, we can still use bayonets to defeat the enemy…”
Itō Hirobumi said calmly, “Mr. Yamagata, are you referring to the Russians? Will the Russians also participate in this intervention?”