Chapter 535: Guo Ziyi Enters the Capital

In the darkness of the night, a group of hundreds of cavalry riders sped along the wide official road. This was the vast Guanzhong Plain, where a newly built road stretched straight westward. On both sides of the road, endless wheat fields were already being harvested. Despite the late hour, figures could still be seen rushing to gather the wheat.

The cavalry squad rushed past the busy farmers and soon disappeared into the distance. Guo Ziyi rode on a magnificent black horse, his gaze fixed on the faint outlines of the city in the distance—Chang’an was finally in sight.

Guo Ziyi was filled with concern about his own fate. Upon arriving in Qingzhou, he happened to meet an official from the Imperial Council who ordered him to return to the capital to report and meet the new emperor. Guo Ziyi understood that this was Li Qing’an’s second move after testing him by suppressing bandits in Anping County. This time, they were about to engage in real negotiations. If those negotiations failed, he would never be able to leave the capital.

Guo Ziyi sighed secretly; the road ahead seemed to blur.

“Speed up!” he ordered sharply, whipping his warhorse hard. The horse accelerated once more, and the group raced through the pitch-black darkness. As dawn broke and the first faint rays of gold appeared, the majestic city walls of Chang’an came into view.

By then, the city gates were already open. Guo Ziyi’s cavalry reached Jin Guang Gate, where the canal docks lay just outside. At dawn, the gates were crowded with merchants trying to enter the city. The guards checked each one briefly, allowing most through after asking just a few questions, while only those who seemed suspicious were subjected to more thorough inspection.

When Guo Ziyi’s troops arrived at the gates, the guards, realizing they were not from the Anxi Army, became nervous. They drew their bows, closed the gates, and watched them warily.

One of Guo Ziyi’s personal officers stepped forward and declared loudly, “We are from the Shuofang Army. General Guo has been ordered by the Imperial Council to return to the capital to report.”

He then unrolled the decree from the Imperial Council. A soldier rushed forward to examine the seal before returning to report. The guard officer quickly found the authorization for Guo Ziyi’s entry, confirming that five hundred of his followers were permitted to enter the city.

“Open the gates! Let General Guo enter.”

The gates opened, and the merchants stepped aside to make way. Guo Ziyi led his five hundred men slowly into Chang’an. Instead of heading straight to his home in Qinren Fang, he went directly to the imperial palace to report to the Ministry of War and submit his schedule.

Half an hour later, the Chang’an Imperial Household Department delivered news of Guo Ziyi’s arrival in the capital to Li Qing’an’s desk. Soon after, the Ministry of War also sent over Guo Ziyi’s schedule. In fact, not long after Guo Ziyi entered Guanzhong via Tanzheng Gorge, Li Qing’an had already received word of it. Guo Ziyi’s arrival in the capital was both within his expectations and somewhat surprising. It was within his expectations because Guo Ziyi needed to go to the Imperial Council to report on his duties and meet the new emperor; otherwise, he would be suspected of raising troops to establish his own power. Given Guo Ziyi’s caution, he would never take such a risk lightly. Yet his rapid arrival in the capital surprised Li Qing’an. The Imperial Council’s orders had only been sent three days prior, yet he had already arrived—this meant that Guo Ziyi must have encountered officials carrying imperial orders on their way to Lingzhou. Guo Ziyi was not arriving in the capital because of the Imperial Council’s orders but due to some unforeseen event. Li Qing’an astutely deduced that this event must be the suppression of bandits in Jingzhou. Guo Ziyi had understood his intentions. The rivalry between Li Qing’an and Guo Ziyi was subtle and indirect, taking place along the Guannei Road. One would retreat while the other advanced, one withdrawing silently while the other moving in a subtle manner. Few could understand the art of their rivalry, but as the parties involved, both Li Qing’an and Guo Ziyi were fully aware of it. Although Guo Ziyi had retreated, he had not conceded defeat. His schedule did not include any plans to visit Li Qing’an, the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. And although Li Qing’an’s 5,000 troops had entered the Guannei Road under the pretext of suppressing bandits, he had not taken control of it, meaning Guo Ziyi’s army could return at any time. Guo Ziyi’s rapid arrival in the capital did not mean he had given in; on the contrary, his immediate submission of his schedule to the Ministry of War was a bold challenge to Li Qing’an, shifting the rivalry from indirect and subtle to direct confrontation. Having experienced Guo Ziyi’s cunning tactics, Li Qing’an could not help but admire the old general’s tenacity. Of course, Guo Ziyi was different from An Lushan and also not hostile toward Li Longji—he was someone who could be won over. Even if he refused to ally with him, he could still become an ally. On the other hand, a direct clash between him and Guo Ziyi would be something many would welcome. At that moment, Li Qing’an suddenly thought of a story from Romance of the Three Kingdoms: one of Guan Yu’s three conditions for surrender was to surrender to the Han rather than Cao. Today, with Guo Ziyi arriving in the capital, the resemblance between the two situations was striking. …

Guo Ziyi’s behavior upon entering the capital indeed surprised many people. The first person he visited after arriving was neither the Empress Dowager nor Wang Jin, the Minister of War, nor Li Qing’an, but Pei Min, the Right Prime Minister. Yet it made sense when considered—although Pei Min was not part of the military hierarchy, he was still the Right Prime Minister, the head of all officials, holding a very high status. It was only natural for Guo Ziyi to visit him first.

Pei Min happened to have taken half a day off from court today as he was feeling unwell. He had been feeling dizzy these past few days, and today he could no longer endure it, so he asked for leave to rest at home. He originally planned to rest for a day, but in the morning he received news that the council would discuss the formal operation of the Four Chests in the afternoon, so he could only rest at home for half a day.

It was during this half day that Guo Ziyi came to visit him. Despite his illness, Pei Min mustered his strength to receive Guo Ziyi in the luxurious reception hall of his residence.

As soon as Guo Ziyi entered the hall, he bowed and apologized, saying, “I was unaware that the Right Prime Minister was unwell. I came rashly and disturbed you. Please forgive me!”

Pei Min waved his hand smilingly and said, “Old general, there’s no need for apologies. I’m someone who can’t stay idle. Even at home, I can’t rest—either I’m writing memorials or thinking about matters in the court. In short, I have no personal time. You haven’t disturbed me at all. Come, please sit down.”

Pei Min invited Guo Ziyi to sit, and a maid brought them tea. Pei Min picked up his teacup, took a sip, and smiled slightly before saying, “I’d like to ask about the supply issues for the Shuofang Army first. Really, does the army not need grain supplied by the court?”

“That’s also something I want to discuss with the council upon my arrival in the capital.”

Guo Ziyi took out a memorial and placed it on the table, pushing it toward Pei Min. He said, “Over the past few years, I’ve encouraged my soldiers to cultivate land, and we now have a total of 5,000 hectares of military farmland. Additionally, I’ve established military ranches in the Jiuyuan area—not mainly for grazing horses, but for raising cattle and sheep to provide meat for the soldiers. Thus, I can barely support an army of 100,000.”

Pei Min picked up the memorial and glanced at it. It was a copy; the original should have been submitted to the Ministry of War. However, the memorial was addressed to the council. Generally, military governors were accountable to the emperor. When the emperor was only two years old, the council became the highest authority. It was therefore understandable for Guo Ziyi to report to the council. But now, in addition to the council, there was also the Supreme Commander of All Troops, which essentially meant a separation between civil and military affairs—civil matters under the jurisdiction of the council, and military matters under the supervision of the Supreme Commander.

So, strictly speaking, as the military governor of Shuofang, Guo Ziyi should report military matters to Supreme Commander Li Qing’an, rather than to the council.

As for the Ministry of War, it was only responsible for the promotion of officers based on their merits and the management of local military troops. Once those local troops became completely ineffective, the Ministry of War became a mere formality. The promotion of officers also depended on the regional governors, with the Ministry merely handling supplementary registrations.

Pei Min did not know Guo Ziyi’s true intentions. Before consulting Li Qingan in advance, he was cautious, fearing he might overstep his authority. So he returned the memorial to Guo Ziyi and said with a smile, “The old general’s emphasis on farming to reduce the burden on the court is truly admirable. A few days ago, the Grand Marshal, His Royal Highness the Prince of Zhao, told me he was worried about the supply of troops in Shuofang and asked the court to prepare military rations. It turns out our concerns were unnecessary.”

Pei Min spoke subtly, implying to Guo Ziyi that since Li Qingan was the Grand Marshal, his name should be included in the memorial. Guo Ziyi understood Pei Min’s meaning and replied with a faint smile, “The Prime Minister has some misunderstandings. In fact, there is a distinction between civil and military affairs in the army. Civil affairs include logistics, troop recruitment, and promotions, while military affairs involve deploying troops for battles and military defense. If it comes to warfare, I indeed should report to the Grand Marshal. But my trip to the capital this time is first to pay respects to the Empress Dowager and the new emperor, and second to discuss matters related to supplies and the resettlement of military households with the Council of State. So it’s sufficient to consult the Council of State; it doesn’t involve the Grand Marshal’s military affairs for now.”

“I see. It seems I was overthinking it. Well then! I’ll arrange for the Council of State to discuss military matters in Shuofang with the old general.”

By this point, Pei Min had understood Guo Ziyi’s purpose for coming to the capital—he was loyal to the Council of State while maintaining a non-hostile relationship with Li Qingan.

……

Guo Ziyi took his leave. Pei Min no longer had the heart to rest. He immediately set off for the Secretariat in the Daming Palace.

Although the Council of State was actually appointed by Li Qingan, this did not mean it was his personal entourage. In fact, it retained considerable independence, a characteristic of the traditional civil service system during the Han, Tang, and even Song dynasties. Political groups of scholars would never become vassals of the emperor. The scenario of ministers willingly acting as servants only appeared in Qing dynasty operas. Pei Min led more than seven hundred officials in opposing Li Heng’s ascension to the throne, and this had nothing to do with Li Qingan. If Li Qingan had also killed his own descendants to seize the throne by force, Pei Min would have led the officials in opposing him as well.

The reason why ministers like Pei Min continued to support Li Qing’an was that his policies on expanding territory and safeguarding national interests aligned with their political views. In particular, Li Qing’an’s efforts to restrict slavery and land annexation in Anxi fully matched the political ideal of scholars that farmers should own their own land. On another hand, Li Qing’an also served as a strong barrier against An Lushan’s rebellion. It was these combined factors that earned Li Qing’an the support of the Political Council. However, support did not equate to loyalty; the chancellors of the Political Council also hoped to curb Li Qing’an’s growing power to some extent. Even if Li Qing’an eventually ascended the throne, they were determined to uphold the principle of checks and balances between the emperor and the chancellor. It was for these reasons that Pei Min realized it was not necessarily a bad thing for Guo Ziyi to pledge loyalty to the Political Council—perhaps such loyalty could grant it greater independence. Many things seem contradictory, but they are not. For example, Pei Min was once a key member of the Prince Zhao faction and a confidant of Li Qing’an, yet now he hoped to limit Li Qing’an’s excessive power to some degree. Is this contradictory? Not at all. It’s like a woman hiding behind her husband when she sees a mouse as his wife, but stepping forward to protect her children when she is a mother. Different roles lead to different stances; the world is never purely black or white—it is mostly gray. As for Pei Min being Li Qing’an’s brother-in-law, that was driven by selfish family interests, but it did not represent the mainstream view. This was also why Guo Ziyi was willing to pledge loyalty to the Political Council—he knew that the Tang Dynasty’s Political Council was not Li Qing’an’s personal institution. But after all, Pei Min was a scholar and had not realized that his ideas had crossed Li Qing’an’s red line: Li Qing’an could tolerate anything from the Political Council except interference in military affairs. … Inside the Secretariat of the Daming Palace, the Political Council was holding an urgent and secret meeting. All seven chancellors attended at the invitation of Right Chancellor Pei Min. “Gentlemen, this is the memorial submitted by Guo Ziyi to our Political Council. He hopes we will approve the relocation of 20,000 families from the Shuofang Army in Guannei Circuit to Lingzhou. Let’s discuss this and see if it is feasible.” Pei Min ordered the secretarial staff to copy Guo Ziyi’s memorial into six copies, one for each person. Although Minister of War Wang Jin had the original, it had not yet reached him.

Zhang Yun frowned and said, “Lingzhou is not as sparsely populated and fertile as Anxi. As far as I know, many areas along the Yellow River are saline-alkali lands. Even if farming is possible, the yields are very low. If Guo Ziyi hopes to relocate 20,000 people from the Guannei Region to Lingzhou, then I must ask: how much land does he have to settle these immigrants? How much surplus food can he provide to ensure their livelihood for a year? And what about the Dangxiang people—what is their attitude toward these immigrants? None of these details are mentioned in the memorial. In short, while the idea of relocation is there, I think General Guo’s plan is inadequate. I hope to hear a more detailed explanation from him.”

Zhang Yun was a veteran in the bureaucracy who never dealt with matters straightforwardly. On the surface, he seemed to point out that Guo Ziyi’s memorial was incomplete, but in reality, he was using a delaying tactic to see Li Qing’an’s stance first.

Pei Min knew Zhang Yun well and understood his intentions. Smiling, he said, “I’m not saying we should approve Guo Ziyi’s relocation plan immediately. Instead, I hope the Political Council can express its approval on this matter first, after which Guo Ziyi can submit a detailed plan. Then, the Ministry of War, the Ministry of Revenue, and the Censorate can jointly conduct an investigation. If the plan is feasible, we can then give formal approval. What do everyone think?”

At this moment, Wang Jin, the Minister of War, slowly said, “I think it’s best to consult Prince Zhao first. After all, he is the supreme commander of the army and has the authority to be informed about the requests of the Shuofang Army. Discussing their memorial behind his back not only appears to be an overstep of authority but also hinders efforts to suppress bandits in the Guannei Region. What do others think?”

Pei Min nodded. He understood everyone’s caution and realized he had been too hasty in dealing with Guo Ziyi’s loyalty issue. This could easily lead to conflict between Li Qing’an and the Political Council. It was indeed necessary to consult Li Qing’an first and explain the situation to him—only then would it be justified. Otherwise, acting secretly would give the impression that the Political Council was overstepping its authority.

With that in mind, Pei Min said, “Then let’s suspend the discussion on the Four Boxes matter for the afternoon. I’ll go talk to Prince Zhao first, and after Guo Ziyi presents his report, we can discuss it formally.”